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No comments. Subscribe to: Post Comments Atom. Most Popular. Labels book digital library ebook epub. The present paper addresses this gap by exploring the characteristics of the audiences of right-wing alternative online media.
Based on a secondary data analysis of the Reuters Digital News Survey, this article presents a cross-national analysis of right-wing alternative media use in Northern and Central Europe. The results indicate a comparatively high prevalence of right-wing alternative online media in Sweden, whereas in Germany, Austria, and Finland, these news websites seem to be far less popular. With regard to audience characteristics, the strongest predictors of right-wing alternative online media use are political interest and a critical stance towards immigration, accompanied by a skeptical assessment of news quality, in general, and distrust, especially in public service broadcasting media.
What emerged was a crisis in the- ory based on the political failures of socialist movements and a need to refor- mulate the practical—political aspect of working-class movements Bronner Lacking was a more nuanced theory of society and human action. In providing a revised understanding of consciousness, personality, culture, and civil society, these thinkers would open a pathway toward critical theory by set- ting the foundations for an alternative view of the subject and society and its relation to politics and the opposition to capitalism, the administrated society, and instrumental reason.
The subjec- tive preconditions for revolutionary activity had to be brought about through a remaking of social—psychological conditions of the working class. What was needed was the capacity of working-class people to be able to relect and criti- cally comprehend the system of which they were a part.
To do this, a critique of ideas, of ideology was needed. Korsch 32ff. A critical engagement with the social world was predicated on the capacity of any ratio- nal agent to be able to grasp dialectically the essential structure of the world seen as praxiologically and relationally constituted see Jay ; Feenberg The lack of radical critique and revolutionary activity was due to the blockage of the rational comprehension by the subject of the object.
This led to the theory of hegemony where the ideas of the bourgeoisie were ingrained within the fabric of everyday institutions. For Gramsci, the culture and practices of the dominant powers of any class-based society would neces- sitate the deployment of particular cultural norms and mindsets that would dull and inhibit critical consciousness, thereby short-circuiting the radical activity of the working class.
Culture was therefore made into a particularly important domain of critique see Aronowitz 93ff. Wilhelm Reich also posed the crucial question of why the working class did not follow what were supposedly their object interests in a socialist society and instead became reactionary.
More importantly, Reich pointed to the ways that attitudes and emotions embedded within the personality structure of the individual play a pivotal role in how ideology is processed and how their relation to the world was struc- tured. The crucial problem was that the economic factors of social life were not the root cause spurring the appeal of fascism. Rather, it was the repressed nature of the personality that, once combined with the crises in capitalist politi- cal economy, gave rise to the expression of authoritarian impulses.
These four thinkers constitute a decisive break in the direction of Marxist theory in the early twentieth century, and they set the basic framework for what would come to be known as critical theory. THOMPSON and institutional lifeworld that shaped consciousness, and the insistence that a new form of consciousness able to break the shackles of ideology acquired dur- ing the pulses of everyday life, were all crucial building blocks for what would become known and self-described as critical theory.
A critique of culture, a cri- tique of the legitimating institutions, the logics of modern technological forms of life, communication and production, no less than the new forms of state and legal institutions and the structure and dynamics of the family and the mod- ern personality—all were now to become the domain of research for the criti- cal theorists. What they saw happening was the disappearance of the great motivating political and cultural forces that had served to bolster the radical political movements of their time, but also to presage their failures.
The next generation of thinkers would integrate these various insights into a coherent framework and research paradigm, and bring its insights to bear on the greatest transformations and crises of the twentieth century. Held ff; Abromeit With this notion of critical theory, Horkheimer was able to establish a new and compelling framework for social research. Now, social problems examined with the explanatory methods of the social sciences could be dialectically trans- formed by the evaluative categories of moral judgment and with an eye toward the practical—transformative activity needed for its resolution.
But in addition, the different members of the Institute—T. For all of the members of the insti- tute, a synthesis of social theory, critical philosophy, and psychoanalysis was the standpoint to begin the analysis of the totality of modernity cf. Wellmer ; Howard ; Bronner Thinkers such as Adorno and Marcuse, in particular, would see the problem of com- modity fetishism and the predominance of exchange value over use value as critical tools to understand the dehumanization of culture.
But these Marxian insights, for the most part, were to be complementary to the theoretical ideas of Freud and Weber. For Weber , the concern was the expansion of the rationalization of society, particularly in terms of the rise in bureaucratic and administrative forms of institutional power. With this came the spread of rational or legitimate forms of author- ity and domination Herrschaft that was beginning to constitute a new form of mass society, one based on an implicit form of domination and control, rationalized by new forms of administrative power and commodiied forms of culture.
Critical theorists saw this as an essential aspect to the structural impera- tives of capitalist society Dahms since it was now clear that capitalism was becoming more than a system of production, but also—and in many ways, more importantly—a normative force, securing forms of legitimacy and accep- tance among the broader public.
The basic thesis that began to arise from these ideas was that an emancipa- tory interest was being eroded by these new institutional and cultural forces. This was a problem of consciousness, of ideology itself Tar The basic philosophical and methodological problem was therefore to be stated as a problem of Ideologiekritik, or the critique of the cognitive forms of thought processes that produced a false form of knowledge or conception of reality. The former represented the insuficient forms of reasoning that could only give the subject an empirical, thin conception of the object.
It was akin to a knowledge of the surface of things, but it was deemed by thinkers such as Hegel as inadequate and defective. Rationality, on the other hand, was a deeper, comprehensive conceptualization of the object of knowledge.
It was able to grasp the whole, the totality of the object and its dynamics and pro- cesses. This form of knowledge granted access to the essence of things rather than to their appearance. Ideology, in this sense, was a false knowledge about the world rather than one that captured its true, essential nature.
For critical theorists, this became one of the primary philosophical and methodological aspirations of a critical theory of society. Shattering ideological thinking meant overcoming the reiicatory aspects of consciousness brought on by administrative rationality and the penetration of the commodity form and exchange value into all aspects of mass society. In his One-Dimensional Man , Herbert Marcuse studied the various ways that a new form of consciousness and reasoning was colonizing mass society.
The critique of consciousness was to be understood as critical of the social formations that shaped it since the self-understanding of individuals was being affected and distorted by defective social relations and structures. The social relations and structures may be efi- cient in terms of productivity and social stability, but they also caused human pathologies, stunted a true expression of human development and freedom, and were therefore in contradiction with any conception of a genuinely ratio- nal society.
The key element of critique was therefore to be found in the ways that the normative concepts such as freedom were being collapsed into the very ideological structures of the techno-industrial system. Genuine critique, an authentic grasp of human freedom, was only possible once the narrow forms of self-relection and self-constitution of technically eficient administrative— capitalist society were overcome. But these problems were only deepened when looked at in conjunction with the psychological dimensions of the self in mass society.
The rise of Nazism, Stalinism, and anti-Semitism more generally gave rise to a research program that sought to uncover the dynamics of authority in the modern personality see Abromeit Workers were more likely to accept and see as legitimate the norms of their society than to take a critical standpoint toward it. Much later, in his Escape from Freedom Fromm, who had psychoanalytically trained with a Reichian group, demonstrated how forms of authority, conformity, and acquiescence to the status quo were expressions of an ego weakened by the proliferation of social relations and processes structured by modern capitalist society.
Social forces shaped the self, formed the ego in speciic ways such that there was an attraction to authority and submission and a decided move away from the impulse toward freedom. For Adorno and his group, the basic explana- tion for the emergence of authoritarian and antidemocratic attitudes and values was the repressive nature of authoritarian parenting which fostered attitudes of intolerance.
Individuals were shaped by power and authority and reproduced it. The roots of anti-Semitism and other forms of authoritarian attitudes were rooted in the dialectical interplay between psychological factors and social fac- tors. Further studies would deepen and conirm this basic hypothesis, thereby making the study of the personality and authoritarian attitudes and their root- edness in the social conditions of the personality and its development a central area of critical theory.
Fromm would continue to discuss the ways that capitalist society mutilated human drives and created pathological social relations and individuals Fromm For some members of the Frankfurt School, however, it was not only the rise of fascism before World War II and the rationalization of capitalist soci- ety in its aftermath that was the root of the problems of modernity, but the reality of the Holocaust and the increasingly destructive powers of technol- ogy and the spread of administrative rationality effected a turn toward the powers and effects of modern reason.
For Adorno and Horkheimer this meant that the nature of modern forms of rationality had to be investi- gated as causes of the pathologies of modernity. The spread of instrumental reason was itself rooted in material forms of production and administration. Now the search for critical rationality became ever-more circumscribed by subjectivity. The collapse of working-class movements, the reconciliation of ever more groups and individuals to the society and culture of administrative— capitalist society, and the increasingly social nature of individual pathologies, all pointed to a dilemma that many of the critical theorists were unable to solve: how were modern individuals to cultivate a critical mentality in an age of conformity and reiication?
The role of aesthetics was of importance here.
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